The rage, ambivalence and efforts to undermine the coup cases all remind me of a nice saying suggesting that everything is over and nothing else can be done. The guardianship now has nothing to do; they can no longer maintain the status quo; they cannot keep the old structures alive. The structures which they constructed on shaky ground will be replaced by others in line with the modern age, justice and our values.
I look at the outrage, the threats, revengeful remarks and statements vis-à-vis the Balyoz case decisions and I see that the pro-guardianship figures do not want to believe the fact that there is no old Turkey. It will not come back. The former privileges are gone; they will not be reinstituted. The glorious era of guardianship is over. What was former Chief of General Staff Gen. Işık Koşaner, who retired from his position, saying in a tape recording? “We violated the law; we relied on this method; we thought that this would be like this all the time.” But did this confession make this mentality accept the reality and fact that they had to be changed? Unfortunately, no. In the same speech, Gen. Koşaner said: “They are telling us to remove Article 35 and replace it with another one. No matter what you do, we, the armed forces, are here to do this [implement Article 35]. This is our natural duty and nobody can instruct us on this matter.” What does this statement mean? “We are prepared at all times to interfere with the democratic process using the argument that we are protecting the republic.”
Despite the fact that they are aware that they committed mistakes and have confessed to this, they are still presenting themselves as patriots. And the media that praise their actions and extend their full support to them does the same. The media are also aware that the pro-guardianship actors are pro-junta and pro-coup. They know each other very well. But they cannot give up on them because they need the power, protection and guardianship of the pro-junta figures to ensure the survival of the military tutelage regime. In addition, they cannot risk the possibility of their links to the illegal organizations and structures being explored.
This is why they extended their support to the defendants while the trials were still going on in the coup and attempted coup investigations. This is why they undermined the image of the prosecutors and the judges. This is why they are undermining the investigations. This is why they ignore the visible attempts of the junta figures to raise doubts on the court decisions.
The real issue is to see this: Why did the pro-coup actors take action as soon as the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) came to power on Nov. 3, 2002? Why did they rely on a plan to topple the government? Why were these coup plans updated every month and every year?
Now let me ask the real question: Considering that the AK Party administration became stronger, did those who dislike this government drop their efforts and intentions? They did not because the whole point is to get rid of the AK Party government.
I have been writing for a couple of weeks that the guardianship figures have only one option, the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), to put the government into a difficult position. Recently, Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan said: “Terrorism had influenced politics, administration, social life, the economy and international relations up until the AK Party period. Unfortunately, the administrations failed to abort this plot in the past. The opposition parties overlooked this, contributing to the erosion of the popularity and image of the political administration. Unlike our predecessors, we will not let terrorism manipulate and shape politics.”
We should remember all the time, assessing the reactions by some circles to the Balyoz decisions, that for some the whole point is to get rid of the AK Party government.