One objective of the recent bloody PKK bombing in Gaziantep must be to give the government and public opinion the message that the terrorist organization is able to commit any action in the terror-less parts of Turkey as well whenever it wants. Following the consecutive PKK attacks, when it turned out that a stolen car was able to roam freely from one city to another, many questions were raised. It has been argued that the removal of experienced bureaucrats in the field of security and intelligence for unreasonable excuses led to a deficiency in intelligence.
In addition, an attempt to provoke a division between Kurds and Turks and Sunnis and Alevis in different parts of Turkey took place. The latest step was the marking of the houses of Alevi families from Sivas who live in Kartal, İstanbul, and an attempt to attack a cemevi (Alevi house of worship) followed by the marking of Alevi houses in Kahramanmaraş with threatening symbols.
Intellectuals and politically minded individuals who assume that the deep state has been abolished in Turkey should learn lessons from these attempts.
These provocative actions -- allegedly supported by foreign intelligence services that are uncomfortable with Turkey’s Syria policy -- should alarm us as they could be rehearsals for new attacks targeting Alevi population such as in the Gazi events or the Sivas massacre of the past.
The simultaneous announcement by Parliament Speaker Cemil Çiçek that he had prepared a text for national agreement against terror was received in astonishment. Çiçek released the document saying, “I prepared the document as a citizen, but I would not be uncomfortable if it is discussed as the text of the Parliament speaker,” emphasizing that what Spaniards did to fight terrorism should be taken into account. First of all, let me make this clear: While fighting terrorism, Spain established very important grounds as a European Union member state in terms of ensuring many basic rights to those who demanded them. It is not yet forgotten that Mr. Çiçek was the most bitter and stubborn dissident with regard to Turkey’s membership in the EU. In a recent text he wrote, Çiçek talked about how the fight against terrorism will be conducted in line with the basic principles of a democratic state of law with respect for human rights. It is not forgotten either that he was the politician who drafted and advocated in favor of Article 301, which caused Turkey much trouble and dealt the biggest blow to freedom of thought. Considering his contradictory and pro-state approaches in the Balyoz and Ergenekon cases, we can come to the conclusion that this “National Agreement” move is insincere and aims to help his political career.
Deputy Prime Minister and government spokesman Bülent Arınç reacted against the plan, saying: “Who are the addressees for this report? Who will join such an agreement? The addressee for the report is not the government.” He also used the expression “11-article memorandum.” Why is the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) now uncomfortable with the politician who they saw worthy of all kinds of top-level positions and all kinds of powers, making him function as a bridge between the government and pro-state circles? Did they realize that pro-military tutelage circles have woken up and are still strong?
In the eve of interim regimes, the “National Agreement” points to a game and tool that every pro-military tutelage elite makes use of to facilitate the work of pro-junta people. Currently standing trial as part of the Balyoz (Sledgehammer) coup plot case, retired Gen. Çetin Doğan is facing a number of accusations, including that he attempted to shut down Parliament by establishing a National Agreement government.The call for National Agreement is an attempt by pro-military tutelage individuals to strengthen the deep state by bringing democratization to a total halt and pushing Turkey into a state of emergency.
