Turkey and the EU: Still relevant for each other
 
 
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24 May 2013 Friday
 
 
 
 
 
 
Columnists 29 April 2012, Sunday 6 0 0 0
ŞAHİN ALPAY
s.alpay@todayszaman.com

Turkey and the EU: Still relevant for each other

In a recent column titled “‘Sectoral membership’ for Turkey in EU?” (April 15, 2012) I wrote that, in a conference jointly organized by the Massachusetts Institute of Technology of the US and the Friedrich Ebert Foundation of Germany in İstanbul, “mention was made of certain circles in Germany that are considering the idea of ‘sectoral membership’ for Turkey in the EU to be negotiated and developed jointly by the two sides, which would save the accession process from derailment, include Turkey in the EU’s decision-making process in a number of areas and leave the prospect of full membership open. Participants from Turkeygenerally agreed that it was an idea worth exploring as long as it did not exclude full membership in the long run.”

I, certainly, was one of those Turks. Two of my valued friends reacted to this column. One of them, a diplomat, sent a note saying: “It needs to be emphasized that the idea you mention that certain circles in Germany are considering has a number of problems. First of all, there is no basis for such a relationship in the founding treaties of the EU. The idea is closest to the European Economic Area [EEA] which Norway and Iceland are party to, but its insufficiency is indicated by the latter’s preference for full membership. Germans always put forward such ideas but never give a clue as to their details. Would it, for instance, include freedom of movement [within the EU]? Freedom of movement is part of the EEA, but I don’t believe they would agree to freedom of movement for Turkish citizens. On the other hand, if the idea is to be reduced to integration in defense and security areas, what added value would it have to our NATO alliance?”

I find my diplomat friend’s warnings appropriate. I still ask, however, if the idea is to be developed jointly by Turkey and the EU, and if it would involve Turkey’s participation in the decision-making process in an increasing number of areas, why not? I even suspect this may suit Ankara’s preferences better. And if there is a will to do so, I’m sure the legal basis of such a relationship can be found.

The other warning came from Ali Yurttagül, an advisor to the Greens in the European Parliament. He wrote: “One needs to be pretty naive not to see that the only purpose of the ‘sectoral membership’ idea is to cast doubt on the accession negotiations… It would, therefore, not be wrong to expect that Ankara would not warm up to the idea of ‘sectoral membership’ as it has not to the idea of ‘privileged partnership’ and insist on continuing with negotiations for ‘full’ membership.” (Zaman, April 21, 2012) I am sure that Yurttagül is well aware that accession negotiations are pretty close to getting stuck. I doubt if the purpose of “certain circles in Germany” is “to cast doubt” on the accession negotiations, and suspect it has to do with finding a way out of the increasing prospect of getting them stuck. This prospect seriously worries many in Turkey like me who support the country’s integration with the EU in full or in stages. That is the reason why I ask “Why not?” if “sectoral membership” for Turkey in the EU does not preclude full membership.

What concerns and worries me most are the statements coming out of certain circles in Ankara about the EU having lost its relevance for Turkey, about Turkey no longer being in need of EU membership, about how lucky Turkey is to have stayed out, et cetera. I have no doubt that the EU can well manage without Turkey, and the derailment of EU accession would not at all be the end of the world for Turkey. I do, however, believe that Turkey’s integration with the EU would in both economic and political terms be of great mutual benefit to both, but especially for the latter. It is true that the EU is today experiencing the worst financial crisis in its history. Largely related to this, it has also become the stage for a very ugly and highly worrying rise of a racist, Islamophobic and Turkophobic tide. The greater probability, however, is that the EU will sooner or later recover from the crisis and its consequences, and continue to be the bastion of freedom and democracy and the intellectual center of the world. The accession process to the EU has greatly helped Turkey strengthen its economy and democracy. Turkey would surely continue to do so better if it were firmly anchored in the EU. The reverse may lead to negative consequences. Indications are not at all lacking. Democratic reforms have come to a stop.

COMMENTS
Turkey vetoing EU participation in NATO is going to play in Brussels, as the EU vetoing Turkey's membership is playing in Ankara. A divided Cyprus should not have become an EU member and was taken in, despite the GCs voting to reject an EU backed solution, because she would be used as an excuse for ...
Baris
Can't help wondering as to the reason(s) why the author has omitted mentioning the Cyprus issue as it influences Turkey's accession process in a most significant way. In my opinion, EU membership of a nation which is militarily occupying another EU member nation is not feasible. Furthermore, Turkey'...
Thessalonian
Did you not see that Turkey vetoed EU participation in the NATO summit, Mr. Alpay? I wonder how this is going to play in Brussels? So much for the 'still relevent to each other'.
Christoph
When the army is not part of the equation of the Turkish Government and full democracy is established, then it will be time to take Turkey's application to the EU seriously.
AliA
The most important benefit of full membership for Turkey, Mr Alpay, is the democratic and administrative reforms that come with it. I'm not sure that just being part of the decision making process, even if you may see it as the first stage in a future EU membership, would give Turkey those reforms. ...
Baris
I think it is an excelent idea. It will calm down the negotiations and we can focus on certain areas which will be mutually benefitial. But what is the difference between this proposal and the "priviliged partnership" which has been rejected before?
Change but no change
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