Looking at things from a wider perspective, it is not even possible to imagine for a moment that there are no factions within MİT that do not share the resolution seen behind the Ergenekon organization and the drive to spark coups. To wit, while the nationalist political circles seeking coups were in the past almost completely in control of the military and the judiciary, it is also possible to say that they controlled one section of the top-ranking positions in the police and MİT as well. As for the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) government, it has followed a different strategy for each of these organizations. With regard to the military, it met them halfway, froze the problems and agreed to shake hands for the time being. Reforms implemented under the AK Party in the judiciary have largely debilitated the structure’s nationalistic top ranks of the courts. On the police front, a clean up of the organizational structure has widened the police’s room for maneuvering, thereby increasing its power. And finally, when it comes to MİT, a completely new leadership was created with the understanding it would be giving direct support to the elected government.
There were, however, two important results that arose from all of the above mentioned developments. The first is that the struggle between the AK Party and the nationalists has trickled down to the lower ranks of the bureaucracy. The second is that the sub-groups within the bureaucracy that were created, being aware of their own strength, are determined to increase their power. And, thus, “big” politics -- shaped around the Kurdish issue -- became intertwined with “small” politics.
This intertwining of worlds became particularly visible in this most recent situation wherein MİT undersecretary Hakan Fidan was targeted by the judiciary -- and by dint of this the prime minister. There is a reality, one which those who are pursuing the ties to the KCK that exist within the ranks of MİT, are basing their quests on, but there is also another reality that the prime minister -- while protecting MİT undersecretary and trying to nip nationalist manipulations in the bud --bases his actions on.
At this point, a temporary solution is being sought through some alterations to the law (Article 26 of the law on MİT personnel asking the prime minister’s permission to investigate top intelligence officials). But the real issue is being ignored, being the “political” authority lent to the justice system by laws already in existence. This whole event underscores once more just how critical it is for Turkey to get a new constitution which would create democratic legitimacy and would deal with every issue from a brand new starting point.
