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January 06, 2012, Friday

Behind the scenes of Uludere

Let’s not deceive each other. The Uludere case is so serious and disheartening that it can’t be defended in any way. However, there are different stages in the Uludere case and there is a game within a game here.

The first curtain: It has been claimed that smuggling between Şemdinli and Yüksekova is controlled by the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) on the Turkish side and controlled by the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) on the Iraqi side and that smuggling between Çukurca and Şırnak is controlled by the PKK on both sides. It is alleged that the Hınare Valley, located between Iraq, Iran and Turkey (Yüksekova) is controlled by the PKK and that Iran provides items that it can’t get from the West via this valley. Intelligence activities that work on both sides of the border are carried out by forces working with the PKK. In other words, it is alleged that intelligence coming from unnamed aerial vehicles (UAVs) allows for movement in the air, while intelligence from the PKK militia allows for movement on the ground. If the PKK doesn’t receive money from the smugglers, it informs the military about them. Therefore, as smuggling managed by militia is supported by both the PKK and the state, it is alleged that it is very prevalent on the territory along the border. It is alleged that the KDP only turns a blind eye to the smuggling of clothes and food, and that the PKK oversees the smuggling of drugs, diesel fuel, cigarettes and alcohol. The military is reported to have been informed that PKK members were sneaking among the 35 civilians and as a result the way for the event to take place was paved on purpose. Likewise, the Dicle news agency announced the bombing only one hour and 20 minutes after the event and it aired the first photos regarding the event. Roj TV started broadcasting images of the bombing. They stressed that the smugglers “were just smugglers, and they were ruthlessly bombed.”

The second curtain: There are strong claims to suggest Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) deputy Hasip Kaplan was behind an attack against Uludere Governor Naif Yavuz, who went to Gülyazı village to offer his condolences. According to these claims, there were nearly 100 armed PKK members at the tent where respects could be paid. The PKK members were dressed in their distinctive clothes in Gülyazı. They wear clothes that are a sandy green color and baggy trousers that narrow at the ankles. When Governor Yavuz came out of the tent he was attacked. The aim of the attack was to make the soldiers at the police station just above the village come down to the village and open fire to defend the district governor. They wanted to start a big clash and a new event in the region. They wanted to put into practice a scenario whereby it looked like soldiers opened fire on civilians. However, the soldiers didn’t come to the village.

The third curtain: Pro-BDP attorneys have started to apply pressure on villagers about their refusal to accept the compensation that will be given by the state (for the victims), and about taking this case to European Court of Human Rights.

The BDP wants to start a wave of protests identical to those of the Arab Spring in Turkey’s provinces that are densely populated by Kurds. They are trying to bring Kurds and the state face to face and to defuse the state’s authority. Their aim is to make soldiers open fire against civilians. To achieve this, villages on the border and slums in big cities are targeted most by the BDP. The Kurdish political movement has already taken control of the Kurdish streets in most of Turkey, including the coastal region in the west. Therefore, triggering the masses doesn’t seem to be difficult.

It is a big contradiction that the BDP doesn’t have even one deputy who can speak English well, despite the fact the movement has such a rooted tradition. It would be better for everyone if the BDP got rid of its immature nationalist reflexes and looked toward broadening its intellectual discourse instead of drumming up support in villages and slums.

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