These developments prompt the question: Are our civilian authorities and the new military bodies ready and equipped for the socio-political implications of these developments, or will they only start to think about remedies and solutions for any undesired and undesirable consequences once the life and destiny of the whole nation has been badly affected?The result of the September 12 referendum will be constitutionally binding. As the ideologically motivated members of the Constitutional Court did not allow the legislature to enact the amendments, they are being submitted directly to the popular vote as an alternative to adoption by the legislature. The referendum’s socio-political effects will be powerful because changes to the constitution will affect the future policy and action of any ruling party and opposition.
The referendum is a measure to stop the adversaries of constitutional reform and democratization from slowing politics and parliament down. It is an invitation for citizens’ direct participation in building stability, democracy and prosperity. The constitutional amendments will pass if there are more yes votes than no votes. A “yes” vote promises to reduce political stagnation, systemic blockages and conflict. Certain decisions will be taken out of the hands of the legislature and judiciary. They will be determined by the people’s will, directly expressed. Voters are already giving the impression that they are less driven by transient whims than by careful deliberation of the common good.
Although the three opposition parties have asked their voters for a blanket “no” vote, seeing dissent, resignations and counter arguments coming from among the ranks and leading figures of those parties, many voters seem likely to make a “yes” decision, despite the parties campaigns of propaganda and personalities. The combined attempts by the opposition parties and the members of Judges and Prosecutors Association (YARSAV) to convince citizens’ groups to reject the amendments have degenerated into a sloppy and desperate mishmash of poor argumentation and tactics.
Meanwhile, terrorist attacks on military and security personnel and outposts and attempts to foment ethnic clashes in various regions are not coincidental. They indicate that deep state forces, the Ergenekon terror organization, putschist generals and their PKK subcontractor intend to sabotage the referendum and the elections that should come a year later. The hand of the putschists in the military has not been weakened: The general who worked with websites spreading propaganda against the government and civil society, propaganda later used as ‘evidence’ in the closure case against the AK Party, is still a force commander. The traditions of the Military are still defiantly claimed to be superior to the law, parliament and the civilian administration.
Although it is an important stage in Turkey’s democratization, the referendum is not a cure-all. The military is still not accounting for failing to act against terrorist attacks in July despite intelligence provided by Herons to 30 security units throughout every moment of the attacks. Those who have planned and condoned coups have still to be called to account. The torture, abuse, rights violations and extra-judicial killings surrounding past and present plots are still an issue for democratization, freedom and accountability.
In addition, there is a clear lack of sincerity in the PKK’s strategy of simultaneously calling a cease-fire and claiming autonomy and independence in a part of Turkey. This will ensure not peace but more ethnic tension and military intervention in the region. It is an invitation to escalate the conflict rather than pursuing a civilian and democratic solution based upon the wishes of the majority of the Kurdish citizens of Turkey. This can only result in the further meddling of generals in politics.
We await the imminent hand-over speeches by the generals. Will they promise accountability and the protection of borders, military outposts, soldiers and civilians? Or will they brag and harangue about guarding the Republic, Kemalism, and so forth as they have for the past 50 years? Is the Interior Ministry ready with multiple strategies and measures for the pre- and post- referendum period and for the claims of autonomy and independence and more? Or will the Minister stubbornly insist on his former instructions to the military coterie, “Go and clean all those mountains of terrorists?” It is high time that civilian oversight in Turkey became so active and efficient that no institution or authority can escape its scrutiny.
