Another report, this time focusing on the “common elements of nationhood,” proposed the following principles: “[A] more visible support for anti-discrimination measures, support for women’s rights, a universal acceptance of the English language … and respect for both religious differences and secular views.” A similar attempt was made in Germany, where “German-ness” was defined along the same lines of liberal democratic values. When looking at this list of civic values, one sees national language as the main difference between being British and German. This may seem too naïve a definition of national identity in 21st century Europe. What separates a German from a Frenchman or a Turk is more than just language. There is shared history, memory, joy and suffering, blood relations, common ancestry, the home country and so on. But where does this list take us? If we press it too hard in the direction of history and/or ethnicity, we end up with some version of ethnic nationalism, a nationalism that will be exclusive and discriminatory.
How about religion? Religion too plays a significant role in identity formation. We cannot discard Christianity as a fundamental tenet of Western civilization. Even though many secular Europeans would not identify themselves with any particular religious faith or denomination, the historical identity of Europe is shaped by the Greco-Roman tradition, on the one hand, and Christianity on the other. One may also raise the question of Judaism. Is it part of Western identity? For centuries, Jews were not accepted as part of Europe. They have always been present in the history of Europe, but they have hardly been welcomed into the religious and ethnic family of Europe.
But what happens when we push the religious basis of identity too far in a secular age where one’s national identity is defined not by religion or ethnicity but by upholding the basic principles of human rights, equal citizenship and constitutional democracy? Most modern democracies define their code of national citizenship outside and beyond any particular religious and/or ethnic community. Universal human rights and civil liberties do not define individuals and communities on the basis of their religious and ethnic identity.
How do these principles apply to religious minorities and Muslim communities in Europe? A major conference in the German city of Wuppertal near Dusseldorf last weekend was convened to seek answers to this question. The conference was organized by the Islamic Community Milli Görüş (ICMG), a pan-European Turkish-Islamic organization based in Germany. The history of this particular community goes back to the 1970s, when immigrant Turkish communities began to organize themselves as civil society organizations and create intra-Turkish networks in Germany and other European countries with sizeable Turkish communities. Like a dozen other Turkish communities in Europe, the ICMG’s history is also the history of Turks from guest workers to established and organized communities.
After 30-some years of struggle to survive as a community, Turkish Muslims in Germany have changed the old meanings of integration. Most Turks in Germany share the German public space like any other minority group. But the third and now fourth generation of Turks do not see themselves as foreigners, immigrants and certainly not “guest workers.” They are as German as any immigrant generation can be. They speak German better than Turkish. They know German history and culture better than that of their parents. Furthermore, they now live out European values just like any other European. The problem is that even this level of integration is not enough for some cultural purists in Europe.
Some complain that Turks have not integrated, but the reverse is true: As far as language and cultural competence are concerned, the third and fourth generation Turks are increasingly losing their native language and becoming more confident in German language and culture. The reason why their parents support Turkish religious and cultural centers is because they want to ensure that their children grow up as bilingual and multicultural citizens of Europe. Groups like the ICMG reflect this reality.
Is this not what multiculturalism promises?
