What is a fact is that the events of February 1997 can be described as a successful coup despite the fact that it was completed without dissolving Parliament or adopting a new constitution -- not necessary as the existing one had been drafted by the military anyhow.I personally do not engage in the usual finger-pointing I witness far too often from certain European political circles -- including from those groups and individuals who are otherwise considered to be true friends of the country -- at what is perhaps not as yet perfect over here. Not everything is “perfect” in Europe, either. Rather, I wish to reflect on what I witness myself, engaged in modestly supporting Turkish civil society and from my perspective as a columnist.
I recently asked myself what my answer would be to the following question: Is a final attempt at overthrowing Turkey’s democratically elected government and Turkish democracy possible? By coincidence, I had recently been asked the same question during a private luncheon in Ankara. My reply, both to my acquaintance as well as to myself, was, “Yes, of course,” realizing that a very small minority may not as yet have given up.
Let me add a positive aspect straight away: The difference between 1980, 1997 and 2010 is that while today nearly every month reveals new and shocking details about intended, aborted or nearly executed anti-democratic interventions, the likelihood of any of these criminal and at the same time foolish undertakings being successful for more than a day is close to zero. In the wording “close to zero” but not “entirely impossible” lies the real danger, though, to which I will come back.
I wish to elaborate on three issues. First, why I disapprove of labeling 1997 as the year of the “postmodern” coup. Referring to a coup as “postmodern” almost lends it an aura of respectability. A coup is a coup no matter whether carried out through direct force, displaying tanks in the streets, or by other means such as “meetings” or letters -- it is the result that is important.
Second, solely blaming the Turkish military for all the recently unearthed scandals is wrong and naive at the same time. Many of my European colleagues fall into this same trap all too easily. It is a proud institution, much loved by its citizens. There has always been a vast majority of young men in the military who love their country above all else and surely disapprove of unrest and martial law. It would be more correct to say some circles cleverly exploited being in a position of authority over young recruits and older servicemen alike. One day Turkey’s armed forces, and similarly, the entire state, can become a role model for both NATO and the European Union. Let us not forget that many other circles far removed from any personal engagement in the armed forces were hoping to “own” the nation, too. They use(d) universities, businesses and segments of the media as their protective shield and recruiting terrain.
Third, Turkey can only prevent another “coup by e-mail” or any other type of anti-democratic intervention and at the same time punish the culprits by finally adopting a new, civilian constitution. Both the judiciary and the military must be given clear job descriptions in line with Turkish, European and universal standards of individual liberties, democracy and human rights. A state is no self-service supermarket.
A domestic political void in the form of less reforms and halted modernization is what the remaining anti-democratic forces would love to exploit. If this happens then the “close to zero but not impossible” scenario I mentioned above may become reality. Prosecuting coup plotters is a necessity, but pursuing the nation’s modernization process must happen simultaneously: a mammoth task for Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and his team -- but it can be successfully accomplished if Turkey’s civil society and business community are fully engaged in it, too. Being very much integrated into Turkish society myself, I have a positive feeling that they will succeed, which above all else is in the interest of today’s children and Turkey’s future generations.
