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May 25, 2012
 
 
 
 
 
 
Columnists 27 February 2010, Saturday 0 0 0 0
ABDULLAH BOZKURT
a.bozkurt@todayszaman.com

Meddling stokes anti-military sentiment

It appears the implicit gentlemen’s agreement between Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and Chief of General Staff Gen. İlker Başbuğ broke down after the Ergenekon investigation reached 3rd Army Commander Gen. Saldıray Berk, a close friend of Başbuğ.
The president intervened on Thursday to restore the lost confidence between the two men in a bid to project the image that the country’s leadership is not in disarray. Judging from the statement issued after a rare three-way meeting, confidence-building measures were put into action and trust was rebuilt.

Let’s recap what has happened recently. When a special prosecutor in Erzurum asked for Berk’s deposition after uncovering a major plot in which he was involved, all hell broke loose in Turkey. Calls to the high judicial bodies had started to come from the headquarters of the chief of General Staff. The Supreme Court of Judges and Prosecutors (HSYK), which authorized the prosecutor with special powers in the first place, became a target for pressure. It finally caved in and stripped the prosecutor of his powers, effectively removing him from the case and putting a stop to the investigation, albeit temporarily.

The government responded strongly to that decision and determined to bring a comprehensive legal reform package to Parliament which had been on the shelf since it was announced last summer. The objective now is to revamp the high judicial bodies to reflect the legitimacy and plurality of society in line with European Union standards, ensuring independence and impartiality.

What is more, the government also pulled out all the stops for the Ergenekon prosecutors, who had been anxious for quite some time, to sink their teeth into the generals who were the real perpetrators and masterminds of the major plots listed in the case in the first place. With the largest ever wave of arrests across the country, which resulted in the apprehension of almost all force commanders from the 2003-2004 period, the Ergenekon case has really turned around to rein in the real culprits. The police also arrested active duty officers whose names were cited in the documentary evidence detailing the vicious plots.

Now the front line in the Ergenekon case has moved further to include high-ranking officers who are still in the service. That changed the dynamics and perception in the top brass. The military, which has shown maturity in handling the case, had been content so far and was able to accept the video footage of former generals being referred to the court under court order. But when the ever-expanding probe started to take its toll on active duty officers, the bitter pill turned out to be harder to swallow than originally thought, and the top brass resorted to applying pressure on the higher judiciary.

While politicking behind closed doors vented some of the pressure on the part of the officer corps, albeit briefly, it did not really work out as imagined. The policy was simply not sustainable. The HSYK, in fact, committed suicide in the eyes of the public, presenting itself as a proxy for parochial interests, by violating dozens of laws. It has yet to offer any reasoning for the decision as many jurists claimed there would be none to be found under current law. The impartiality and independence of the judiciary was blown to pieces, and the institution itself has become the target of complaints from liberals and conservatives alike in the country.

So, what is the next move? The military has two options now: One is to be fully transparent and obedient to civilian supremacy in line with European norms. Judging from the attitude of the military thus far, they are unwilling to go along with that and have shown quite a resistance. The other alternative is to keep charging on with denial and labeling critics as unpatriotic and even traitors. With the abundance of evidence detailing plots devised by officers and so much leaking to the press by whistle-blowing officers, the latter proposition does not seem to be a credible choice for the Turkish military.

It became evident that quite a large number of officers in the military are convinced that the old policies are simply not sustainable and are hurting the once-revered institution more than ever. These policies, the new breed of officer believes, no longer fly with the Turkish public, unlike in the past. With broadband Internet connections on the rise, especially among the young generation in this country, citizens are familiar with what is going on beyond the borders of Turkey, and they are well connected and informed about the possibilities of what a full-fledged democratic country can offer. They are well aware of the fact that only in democratic societies does every individual have a chance to fully exploit his or her full potential.

Under the prevailing conditions of the present day, the military has no choice but to limit itself to the barracks and execute orders under the policy guidelines drafted by civilian-elected governments. That, in fact, will work in the favor of the military itself by giving breathing space to the officers who have been increasingly frustrated, and at times overwhelmed, by feelings of suffocation because of being the constant target of criticism. A military that refrains from meddling in politics has a much better chance to get what it wants by projecting a bipartisan approach to the public simply because the responsibility for policies would be shifted to the policy-makers. That is the way it is supposed to be in a democratic society.

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