While political discussions and preparations are going on behind closed doors, the media and members of Turkish civil society are discussing the initiative more openly and in detail. Now, because of the slow rate of progress of the state and with Kurdish leaders concerned about producing tangible plans to reduce the conflict, some are talking as if the initiative has reached a deadlock. This is neither true nor even an option for Turkish and Kurdish citizens of common sense who do not wish to leave this pressing problem in Turkey or its resolution to future generations.The resolution will be complex because it needs to be multifaceted. It concerns not only domestic factors, which have political, cultural, economic, moral, constitutional and security implications, but also international and regional factors and those who have stakes in the region. None of these participants can ultimately afford the derailment of the initiative, and failure to complete the initiative would do great damage to Turkey and the region for many years to come.
It is clear, then, that the idea that the democratization initiative is being encouraged by external international powers beyond the Turks and the Kurds has some element of truth but is simplistic. Further criticism that neither the Turkish government nor the Kurdish leadership --whether civic and legal or illegal and armed militant groups -- has released a roadmap for the solution of the problem is also true. All sides are paying attention to the views of the public and taking political risks. This seemingly passive listening attitude does not offer a quick and populist resolution. Caution slows the process, and this prudence leads some to think that confidence in finding a valid solution is fading.
To complicate things further, the Democratic Society Party (DTP) and the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) leadership are making contradictory remarks about desires for a federal state or a unitary state and about the cessation or acquisition of political and cultural rights. On top of this, supposedly there is a ceasefire, but killings continue in the region. Then there is the questioning and trial of some DTP members by state prosecutors and the parliamentary leadership's handling of DTP members' refusal to be questioned by the prosecutors. The feelings of families of fallen soldiers and others killed in terrorist attacks also come into play. Some groups are deliberately opening the wounds of the families and agitating the public's sentiments. The uncompromising attitude of the opposition parties, the Republican People's Party (CHP) and the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), grates on the nerves of the system and the public. While not objecting to the initiative and showing agreement with civilian authorities in joint declarations or after governmental meetings, the remarks of the military leadership to members of the press that they will continue the fight until the last terrorist is killed contribute to fear and insecurity on all sides.
Resolution of this 25-year conflict is not a matter for party politics or the preservation of the AKP government alone. Neither is it a political investment in gaining more votes in southeastern Turkey. It is a matter for all the peoples and citizens of Turkey. It must not be used as a tool in partisan politics. All the men and women of Turkey need to be convinced of the validity of peaceful options. Academics, experts and universities must support politicians and civic leadership with viable projects. Then we all may win over the families of the serving and fallen soldiers, as well as the families losing or sending loved ones to groups that Turkey, the EU and the United States have all branded as terrorist organizations. Without bias, all educational, moral and spiritual elements need to be accounted for in order to stop discord, bloodshed, terrorism, killings and violence.
Turkey has to resolve many issues at the same time. They are not minor issues but factors that contribute either to the escalation or to the resolution of the conflict. The Ergenekon case, constitutional reforms, disarmament and amnesty for the repentant fighters on the mountains are all entangled in this process. All these require legal formulas and changes in Turkey's legislation. No doubt, this will provoke ultra-nationalist backlashes, just as tensions between hawkish generals and civilian authorities also work against finding a political and legal compromise.
Enhancing civil rights and liberties, increasing access to education in Turkey's Southeast, turning the region into an educational, economic and cultural center -- such plans cannot be achieved in a day. To that end we, Turks and Kurds, need to be patient and determined and to open all possible diplomatic channels with one another. We all need to support sincerely this initiative through cultural and structural changes. We cannot afford to let this initiative be derailed.
