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May 25, 2012
 
 
 
 
 
 
Columnists 14 September 2009, Monday 0 0 0 0
YAVUZ BAYDAR
y.baydar@todayszaman.com

Anxiety, dilemma and old habits

When asked to comment on the huge fines imposed on Doğan Yayın (DYH), main opposition Republican People's Party (CHP) leader Deniz Baykal was not only very critical of what he saw as the dictatorial intents of the government, but he also fired missives at the ownership and editorial management of DYH.
“My conclusion is this,” he said. “Despite the fact that they [Doğan Group] saw this process coming, they continued to pay efforts to appease the ‘drivers of the process' [government and authorities seeking tax evasion fines], and all those attempts proved to be meaningless, once more. You [Doğan] noticed all the elements of the process, but still acted in infantile submission, seeking ‘parental tutelage” to be protected by that very process. …”

These words were, naturally, censored by the news outlets of the Doğan Group, nowadays so keen (!) on press freedom, ethics and independence. What Baykal had said was actually nothing more than what everybody in the business has known all along.

The recent history of the Turkish press is to be written under this main chapter: the relations between governments and corrupt politicians brought us, in the ’90s, to the brink of a total monopoly by a single group and we had the bitter experience of cartel-building in the sector. All this in defiance of Article 167 of the Constitution, which bans both practices.

In 2002, when the former president vetoed a critical bill which contained sensible amendments to the Law on the Radio and Television Supreme Board (RTÜK), he was harshly targeted by Doğan media outlets. The amendments meant the media barons would not be allowed to hold shares above 20 percent in the audiovisual media market and would be banned from entering public tenders if their shares exceeded 10 percent. All the columnists in Doğan Group papers were verbally “recommended” not to write a single word in favor of the bill and were “encouraged” to criticize it.  

The gag order worked well. Not surprisingly, most of them obeyed. Those with honor could only keep silent, avoiding the subject. One of those who defied it was fired.

Meanwhile, many of those working outside Doğan warned that a dirty game was at stake, with damaging consequences for the profession. The bill was “hijacked” despite this open anxiety, and passed by the government at the time, a coalition of the Democratic Left Party (DSP), the Motherland Party (ANAP, now ANAVATAN) and the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP).

The will of the “media bullies” was overwhelming.

This is the background, which includes many other “incidents” such as this. This also explains why there are almost no tears shed, no “solidarity” shown in the Turkish media -- other than those in Doğan -- today for the seemingly disproportionate fine imposed. I witnessed enough in my more than 10 years working as independent news ombudsman to understand the “meaningful silence” among my colleagues here.

But this should raise anxiety, because we face a dilemma: A media which is partly infected with corruption and irregularity can possibly not fulfill the major duty of uncovering corruption in society, at all, in a credible manner. It will have no effect whatsoever, because it is itself immoral, and it works on critical compromises. It creates a milieu in which self-censorship becomes routine.  

It already has.

Some may argue that “the rival press” can fulfill that role, if there is diversity. But the issue is whether it is efficient at all in a sector, more than half of which is dominated by a group accused and punished for some time, and a considerable part of which is pro-government.

I told this paper yesterday that Erdoğan follows the patterns of his predecessors, a pattern of “carrot and stick.” This is a wrong and dangerous path; it leads nowhere for the politician, and it keeps the press in full submission, in polarization, in immoral choices and it paves way to a total partisanship within. It sinks the credibility of the press to new lows. Worse, it maintains a “balance of terror” which can hit back at the system, because the problematic rules remain unchanged. Former prime ministers, so keen on a “controlled press,” fell down more quickly than they were promoted.

I shall continue to be deeply anxious if the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) government sticks to this path. My concerns will remain, unless Prime Minister Erdoğan creates an autonomous tax inspection, bans media proprietors from entering public tenders, passes legislation that blocks monopolization in the sector, ban or severely restricts cross-ownership and enhances the rights of journalists by introducing a new Trade Unions' Law. I hope, in the end, common sense will prevail.

Columnists Previous articles of the columnist
14 September 2009
Anxiety, dilemma and old habits
11 September 2009
Unbearable lightness of press freedom
9 September 2009
Threat of the vicious circle
7 September 2009
A good neighbor
28 August 2009
Without much delay
26 August 2009
‘Process management’ needed, or else…
24 August 2009
MHP’s rage: burning bridges or ‘venting’?
21 August 2009
Between a rock and a hard place
19 August 2009
Great divergence
17 August 2009
Gül’s vision, Erdoğan’s courage
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