But, however strong our initial, justifiable reaction might be, this causes no degradation in the truth of the horrendous information and documents disclosed.
Another fresh piece of news was recently disclosed during debates concerning the Ergenekon investigation and the Supreme Board of Judges and Prosecutors (HSYK), which is attempting to remove prosecutors and judges dealing with this investigation in order to undermine it, and I think “too bad to be true” is the best phrase to describe it.
This disclosure, which also proves that having a good a memory is a big plus in journalism, is the result of one of the inquisitive articles of Alper Görmüş, a Taraf daily columnist whom I view with ever-increasing admiration. At this point, let me quote his article, titled “We face a very serious situation” and published by Taraf on Friday. It explains the story.
“You know HSYK member Ali Suat Ertosun quickly became one of the most controversial figures in the country when he claimed to have proposed that judges and prosecutors dealing with the Ergenekon case as well as the prosecutor who investigated mysterious murders in the Southeast should be appointed to other positions.
“This was not the only thing to trigger the controversies, but Ertosun's past, in particular what he did in his position as the general director of prisons, was discussed in light of his latest move. It was implied that his actions could not be explained by innocent justifications.
“One of the most striking implications was that Ertosun was the general director of prisons when Mustafa Duyar, an assailant in the Sabancı assassination, an event with the potential of becoming part of the ongoing Ergenekon investigation, was killed in prison. However, this tiny piece of information was insufficient to start a debate about Ertosun's responsibility in Duyar's death.
“Journalist Can Dündar wrote an article several days after Duyar's death (Feb. 20, 1999). On Tuesday, I made reference to his article, titled ‘Mustafa Duyar would have spoken.' In his article, Dündar said a high-ranking bureaucrat prevented him from meeting with Duyar in prison despite the fact that the minister of justice had approved the visit. Furthermore, the Ergin brothers, put in the same prison following the approval of the same bureaucrat, killed Duyar.
“Dündar does not disclose the name of that high-ranking bureaucrat in that article, but I suggested he may be Ertosun and said that Dündar should disclose his name. As I expected, upon returning from leave, Dündar wrote first about this matter and said the person in question was indeed Ertosun.
“I would like to quote quite a long passage from Dündar's article, titled ‘Yes, it was him.' This will serve to complete the summary for the uninitiated. And now the floor goes to Dündar:
“‘My memory takes me back some 10 years ago to early 1999. I was working for ATV at the time and writing columns for Sabah. “Inside information” about the Sabancı assassination came: “This is a shadowy matter. Duyar knows it. He wants to talk.” Indeed, Mustafa Duyar, known as the trigger-man of the murder, had wanted to be an “informer” in order to talk about the murder, but his request had been declined for being “late.” Would he tell me about what he could not disclose to the legal authorities?
“‘I phoned the then-Justice Minister Hasan Denizkurdu. He was convinced that “what Duyar will say might help the judicial process.” He said, “But his approval is needed.” We filed a written petition, and Duyar agreed to it. The ministry gave the go-ahead. We were about to travel to Afyon Prison, but we were blocked by then-General Director of Prisons Ali Suat Ertosun. Despite the ministerial permission, he did not approve the interview, saying it would be in violation of legislation. We could not go.
“‘This ministerial bureaucracy that delayed us approved of the transfer of the Karagümrük gang to the Afyon prison. Two weeks later, this gang killed Duyar in prison. But when the time to silence the silencer came to the leader of the Karagümrük gang, they resisted and started a revolt in prison.
“‘During that revolt, Nuri Ergin, the leader of the Karagümrük gang, told the cameras, “This state made me kill Mustafa Duyar.” And from another window, his brother Vedat Ergin said: “Call Veli Küçük and ask him about me. I don't want to say much.”
“‘At the trial concerning the revolt, Nuri Ergin had said: “If Ergenekon prosecutor Zekeriya Öz wants to illuminate part of the Sabancı assassination, he should question why Ali Suat Ertosun is interested in Mustafa Duyar”.'
“In order to complete the picture, we need to remember a revolt at Uşak Prison. After Duyar's death, the Ergin brothers were transferred first to Kartal and then to Uşak Prison. After some time, ‘the ministerial bureaucracy' transferred Alaattin Çakıcı's men, who were enemies of the Ergin brothers, to Uşak Prison. But the Ergin brothers were quick to start another revolt. They took more than 100 inmates hostage and showed a brutality that cannot easily be explained: They not only killed five people, they also gouged out their eyes. With this excessive violence, they were obviously giving a message to those who were trying to eliminate them and telling them to tread carefully.
“Had the Ergin brothers been killed in Uşak Prison, we would have had no chance to know about Küçük or Ertosun.
“A well-measured, delicately planned transfer designed to remove the assailants of the country's most shadowy murder in prison, another similar transfer to eliminate those who killed him -- all these activities were orchestrated by the same ‘ministerial bureaucracy' and with the approval of the same director. Don't you think this is too much? The case file for Duyar's murder in prison must be reopened.”
Here is another story from Turkey, another puzzle to think about for those who find the web of relations, information, documents and conspiracy theories exposed by the Ergenekon investigation too complicated. Of course, I really wonder what the Sabancı family thinks about this puzzle.
