Only a few days ago, the chief prosecutor who had tried to get the AKP banned last year, was, in an ominous speech, again discussing the criteria that apply to party closures.If the Taraf document proves fake, the fact that so many accepted the story as true indicates that trust in the army has been seriously undermined by many previous attempts to mislead public opinion. The media embargo immediately imposed by the military prosecutor did nothing to restore confidence.
Call it psychological warfare, call it social engineering, these methods have been commonly used in Turkey's recent history. A decade ago, during the “Feb. 28 period,” a document prepared under the supervision of second-in-command of the armed forces Çevik Bir was leaked to the press, which outlined steps taken to manipulate public opinion through the media.
The memorandum highlighted steps taken to smear the reputation of journalists apparently deemed uncooperative. A detained Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) commander was said to have denounced two prominent commentators, Mehmet Ali Birand and Cengiz Çandar, as having ties with the PKK. The claim was bogus and the suspect later stated he had made no such declarations, but the accusations had severe consequences for the people concerned.
Only last year, newspapers published excerpts from a lengthy report apparently prepared by the armed forces and examining the activities of civil society organizations. It included several intricate graphs that traced funding received by NGOs from the EU and various foreign foundations, amid claims that these institutions were trying to impose their own agenda on Turkish society through these civic organizations.
So why, after so many plots have been exposed and Ergenekon defendants are on trial for plotting to unseat the government, is Turkey still vulnerable to underhand tactics aimed at misguiding public opinion and subverting the people's democratic will?
Secularism is the fault line in Turkish society that is most open to exploitation at the moment. Many in the elite are willing to sacrifice democratic values to protect their interpretation of secularism, although their concerns may have as much to do with a fear of losing their privileges as with worries over the influence of religion.
But fear of Islamic fundamentalism is not the only “button” that can easily trigger reactions in segments of Turkish society and lead them to rally behind the powers-that-be.
Many of those who expressed outrage when the case against the AKP was launched last year were largely silent about the similar procedure launched against the Democratic Society Party (DTP). In fact, on the Kurdish issue, on the Armenian question or on Cyprus, on the rights of minorities or on concerns about “missionary activities,” people who stand on opposite sides of the secular/conservative divide can find themselves side by side, unlikely allies, agreeing with the red lines set by the state institutions.
This underdeveloped democratic culture, which leads people to support only their own cause but close their eyes when the rights of others are violated, makes it easy for the state institutions to divide and rule. This weakness combined with a lack of determination and courage on the part of elected politicians, who often take steps in the right direction, only to retreat in the face of state reaction, continues to hinder Turkey's progress.
A piecemeal approach to democracy simply won't work. This latest episode is a powerful reminder that Turkey needs a proper constitutional reform to ensure that the government chosen by the people can genuinely rule and can do so without having to look over its shoulder.
