Regarding the first recording, he had said, “Some parts of it are not me.” Those sections contained serious insults against former Motherland Party (ANAVATAN) leader Erkan Mumcu. He had avoided making a clear statement about the rest of the recording, and he had opted to describe it as “edited.” Yet everyone understood that he was using a technical term for partially posting a long conservation and had attempted to fend off accusations by using the word “edited.” Then came the second voice recording of the retired commander. This time, he was talking about the Encümen-i Daniş (Consultation Council) and making explanations about a group that was reminiscent of a “special chamber.” Eventually, reporters had a chance to see the Pasha before he attended another meeting of Encümen-i Daniş and questioned him about the recording. But the commander of the Feb. 28, 1997 process said, “Do you believe this nonsense?” before he bustled away.
The last voice recording contains the most serious of his confessions. Here is a striking part: “The police would catch them. They would send those guys to us by the truckload. I think that they saw Davutpaşa as a prison. We would give them meals and play soccer with them before releasing them from the backdoor.” At this point, we should stop and ask this pointed question: Why would they give meals to the people involved in street skirmishes and play soccer with them before releasing them? In order to pave the way for a military coup?
Karadayı was also busy during the military coup of Sept. 12, 1980. In the most recent voice recording, the Pasha made a sincere confession about the military coups, saying that he was “an old offender with a record of previous evil deeds.”
He certainly has a point. The rest of the voice recording shows how accurate his description of himself was: “I told Hoca [referring to then-Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan] to leave office, and he did. What more could I do? ... We closed down a party [referring to the Welfare Party (RP)]. I swear they still have the same mentality. They must change it. ... Mr. Yılmaz [referring to Mesut Yılmaz], we are delivering you the government on a golden tray. ... Mesut Yılmaz is a slippery type. ... They organize Quran contests for children to select the one who best recites the Quran. Is this acceptable? Then, children will attempt to memorize the Quran. ... I told the Hoca not to do it. ... Some said, ‘Commander, this bitch, this bitch [referring to former Prime Minister Tansu Çiller]’ ... I said to her [Çiller], ‘You must resign.’ ... Demirel [referring to former President Süleyman Demirel] would obey my every word.”
I quoted the most interesting parts of the long recording. For 10 days, the general public has been waiting for Karadayı to declare that these statements are lies. If he cannot call them lies, then he should describe them as “edited.” If he cannot do even that, then he should, at the very least, make his famous “nonsense” statement. But nothing comes out of Karadayı. Similarly, Yılmaz, too, is mute. Shouldn’t he utter some response to this “slippery” designation? And Çiller? How can one accept a prime minister being called a “bitch”?
Demirel deserves some credit for talking about the recording while all other politicians who were mentioned in it have chosen to remain silent. “What will happen if its accuracy is proved? Suppose he said these things, what difference does it make? Who will benefit from it? When did he say it? Ten years ago. These are meaningless things,” he said, in a style that fits him like a glove. When the İlksan scandal first erupted, he had roared: “It was I who gave it. Who cares?” If all these things are meaningless, as Demirel suggested, then the former president should never ask this question: “How did the bloodshed that was taking place on Sept. 11 stop abruptly on Sept. 13? There was only a day that passed between Sept. 11 and Sept. 13. There was nothing new that would stop the bloodshed.” It follows, Mr. Demirel, that this is the difference between Sept. 11, 1980, and Sept. 12, 1980: Those who engaged in street skirmishes on Sept. 11 would be detained by the police, and some military officers would give these “good guys” meals and release them. Those who were executed or tortured after Sept. 12 suffered from different treatment because things had changed after the coup. If you don’t believe it, ask Karadayı. Then, I am sure, your detention on Sept. 12 would not seem as “meaningless” to you.
