Two seemingly unrelated processes that signal the intra-party conflict are running parallel to each other. First, Gürsel Tekin, head of the CHP's İstanbul branch, came to the verge of resigning from the party over disagreements about who should be nominated as members of the provincial council. Second, CHP Deputy Secretary-General Mehmet Sevigen was found to be involved in "unethical" mediation activities.
Tekin, who has recently earned some popularity in the CHP with his activities as the head of the party's local branch in İstanbul, tested his power with a risky move. It was interesting that he did this by risking his party's election success and his position within the party. The first explanation that comes to mind might be his fear of not being able to bring success to his party in İstanbul in the coming elections. He may be creating some sort of justification for his failure. Alternatively, he may also be considering the possibility of making use of the advantages of being under the spotlight. In the final analysis, it is a good strategy to convey one's messages and make one's investments in the election, slated for March 29, while he is receiving widespread media coverage. In particular, when there is a media group that is continually blowing one's sails, he may feel he is walking on air. Already, Tekin and Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu are among those who are regarded as likely successors to the post of CHP leader Deniz Baykal, who is in his declining years, though his appearance does not show it.
Kılıçdaroğlu's reaction to the Sevigen case adds credence to these theories. While Sevigen had difficulties defending himself, Kılıçdaroğlu was sharp in saying, "He should do whatever this requires," and this reaction is also indicative of the swashbuckling mood that Kılıçdaroğlu is in. The people may say: "Good for him. He is equally critical of the corrupt practices of his own party." Yet this strategy may backfire, as well, and people may think: "All of them are the same. We should side with the powerful party." It was obvious that Baykal would not choose to sacrifice one of his aides in the run up to the election so as to give credence to the reasoning that the CHP, too, had its own "Şaban Dişli" incident. Indeed, he both defended Sevigen and criticized Kılıçdaroğlu. People will naturally refrain from voting for a candidate who is at odds not only with the government but also with his party's central management. This is the expected voter behavior. The strategy followed in spite of this can be seen as a strategy of "since we have already lost the election, let us conquer the party leadership."
"It seems that he mediated between the seller and the buyer and he was interested in the commercial relations. But it is wrong to describe this act as bribery or unfair income," Baykal had said in defense of Sevigen. Kılıçdaroğlu's words were harsher: "Honesty cannot be ensured by siding with every accusation and taking part in the accusatory chorus. A distinction should be made about the facts of the case. Without this distinction, we cannot ensure honesty and we must not bring revenge efforts or political conflicts there." Baykal seeks to make sure that this issue will not be used for political revenge.
By political revenge, he does not mean the expected criticisms voiced by confirmed opponents within the party. Moves by Ali Topuz and the like do not take Baykal by surprise. But the strategy pursued by the Tekin-Kılıçdaroğlu duo ahead of the election was a bit unexpected. Actually, Baykal is trying to escape from the election defeat by subcontracting İstanbul and Ankara to other party members. When Karayalçın and the "strong" trio are beaten in Ankara and İstanbul, respectively, Baykal may say: "I was forced to nominate the people suggested by the media. The defeat belongs not to me, but to those who imposed these nominations." Actually, Karayalçın was expected to cause some trouble concerning the people nominated as members of the provincial council, but the İstanbul squad was quicker. It is safe to argue that the CHP is making its plans for the post-election period. The attempt to topple Baykal or blockade him by removing his thorns is in the making. The first step was to hit Sevigen, who is Baykal's most loyal aide.
