From this stage on, we may say that a big struggle will be initiated over the law -- and not on legal grounds. In fact, there has already been such a struggle, since the first day the issue came to the agenda. Now, this struggle will be carried on in a different form and via different methods.A segment of the media in Turkey has so far tended to ignore this issue, expending great efforts to belittle the accusations, allegations, grave charges, news and reports on the issue. But it has become evident that the magnitude of the case is no longer concealable; attempts to conceal it will only be harmful to those trying to cover it up.
The first objection staged following the indictment's filing was that the document was full of "abstract" thoughts and accusations. In particular, the main opposition Republican People's Party (CHP) still seeks to disseminate the view that the case does not rest on solid ground. CHP leader Deniz Baykal has even asserted that he is the "defender" and attorney of those arrested in connection with the case.
It is interesting that some renowned lawyers have raised this objection. For instance, a retired chief prosecutor from the Supreme Court of Appeals is among them; according to this retired prosecutor, Turkey has entered "a fascist era" by carrying out these operations. It appears that this case is very complicated -- its extensions into politics, the business world and media have not yet been revealed.
–First, there is an "entity" out there. This is a very complicated entity, whose relations are intricate. While it is loosely organized, the actors of this entity seem to focus on the same goal and target.
Second, the illegal entity called "Ergenekon" has a goal, and its members have undergone a process of preparations to achieve this goal. As part of these preparations, they have held meetings, prepared plans and programs and devised a division of labor based on a certain hierarchy, order and chain of command. In connection with these preparations, they adopted some goals to render the government non-operational, incite the public against the government, and probably expend efforts to create an environment suitable for a coup.
Third, action. To this end, the indictment references the attacks against the Council of State and the Cumhuriyet daily and to grenades and bombs seized in Ümraniye and Eskişehir.
More importantly, some important assassinations and murders committed since the 1990s are associated with this case. The file also mentions incidents in İstanbul's Gazi district that terrified all of Turkey in 1995. The indictment asserts that the organization sought opportunities for infiltration within the Turkish Armed Forces (TSK). It is also asserted in the indictment that assassinations have been planned against the members of some judicial institutions, including the Council of State and the Supreme Court of Appeals, some journalists, three renowned politicians from the Democratic Society Party (DTP) and even the current chief of the Turkish General Staff, who will retire in three months. Moreover, the indictment further underlines that this illegal entity was eager to exert influence on the Kurdish issue, which is about to become gangrenous to Turkey.
Of course, the allegation needs to be proven by the alleger. Unless a court concludes after a fair trial that a crime has been committed, each suspect is a defendant; in other words, he or she is still innocent and is only under suspicion. This is the case. It is essential to remain respectful of this golden rule of law and to not violate the fundamental rights and honor of the accused. While this is a general principle that needs to be observed by all, it is also necessary to wait for the trial process and take the indictment seriously, because the allegations are grave. Even if only one-tenth of the accusations are true, this is truly terrifying. It seems that shedding light on Turkey's near history depends partially on the healthy conclusion of this case.
