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May 23, 2012
 
 
 
 
 
 
Columnists 08 March 2008, Saturday 0 0 0 0
BÜLENT KORUCU
b.korucu@todayszaman.com

A new era in military-civilian relations

Turkey's opposition parties have been engaging in polemic against the military in the wrong way. It is perfectly natural for Parliament to question and review a national security operation.
As it was Parliament that gave the military authorization for conducting a cross-border operation, it is Parliament that should review whether this authorization has been correctly and successfully used. The chief of General Staff should respond to the questions and criticisms directed at him. However, all of this should be done in the proper context and at the right time. The issue is not one that can accommodate polemic. Following this small reminder, let us look more closely into the new page of relations between the military and the civilian legislature.

February and March represent times that left their marks on military-civilian relations. Feb. 28, March 9 and March 13 are like cornerstones of our recent political history, which is seemingly characterized by an official parade of military coups. You can draw a long list of them when you take into consideration those that were suppressed or not carried out. Some US documents disclosed before the recent anniversary of the Feb. 28 coup reminded us that the constitutional amendments proposed by Parliament with consensus in 1969 were blocked with the threat of a military coup.

The bickering between opposition parties, the Republican People's Party (CHP) and the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), and the Turkish General Staff is turning a new page in this regard. To date, we have only seen such tension mount between the government or right-wing parties and the military. A congenital harmony that dates back to the first days of the Republic would be assumed to have existed between the CHP and the military. In the past İsmet İnönü, the legendary leader of the CHP, would taunt his political rivals, saying, "No one, not even me, can save you [from the military]." His words implied such an alliance between the CHP and the military. Although it was always treated like a stepson compared to the CHP, the MHP would nevertheless take pains in paying due respect to the state, and its protector, the army. This unanswered love is well summarized in the following reproachful words of Alparslan Türkeş, the legendary leader of the MHP, who uttered them with reference to the Sept. 12 coup and its aftermath: "Our ideals are ruling while we are in prison."

The military has tended to set the CHP aside from other parties, which they would categorize into two groups: the disloyal and the ignorant. The military would be equally harsh and distant toward both groups. When former Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan said, "We are working in harmony with our military," the military would see no harm in responding, "The Turkish Armed Forces (TSK) are not in harmony with those who are not loyal to the principles of Atatürk." Former Prime Minister Mesut Yılmaz would try to try to resist, but, in the face of reactions he received, he would end up supporting the military. Do not forget former President Süleyman Demirel, who took his famous hat and left his prime ministerial post (when faced with a real or implied military coup).

This new era was triggered by the e-memorandum issued during the past presidential election process. The Justice and Development Party (AK Party) responded with the same force: "The General Staff is subordinate to the government." As neither side opted to wage a blood feud over this exchange, things went smoothly. No one from the CHP showed the same democratic stance as former Prime Minister Bülent Ecevit, who had left his office as the secretary-general of the CHP in protest against his party's support for the interim regime government in 1971 following the military coup. The opposition parties failed the democracy test in the face of the e-memorandum of April 27. The civilian politicians could not defend democracy. This duty was assumed by the nation that gave a 47 percent support to the AK Party, which maintained its governmental term. Today's polemic is personal, rather than concerning principles. We would like to see the opposition parties defend democracy when it needs to be defended -- God forbid.

Nevertheless, this process is meaningful in that it may help us to see that the military is not "untouchable or superhuman." The shield of immunity is doing the most damage to the military. If you think about what happened to Çevik Bir, a famous general involved in the Feb. 28 process, after he retired, you will concur with me.

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